政治中心綜合報導
圖片來源：郭台銘臉書
鴻海創辦人郭台銘昨(17)日投書《華盛頓郵報》，向國際表達台灣人嚮往和平意願，並強調兩岸間明明存在可以維持和平，懸崖勒馬的方法。但民進黨破壞了「一中各表」的「九二共識」，使中國大陸終止兩岸對話瀕臨戰爭危險。郭台銘強調唯有通過「一中各表」的框架，與中國共同推進，台灣和中國大陸，才能找到一條將雙方從懸崖邊拉回來的道路。
以下為郭台銘投書全文中英對照：
Terry Gou is the founder of Foxconn, headquartered in Taiwan, where he is a leading figure in the political opposition.
郭台銘是總部設在台灣的國際公司、鴻海精密工業的創辦人，也是台灣政治反對陣營的領袖人物。
With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine showing that large-scale war involving great powers is a 21st-century reality, the Taiwan Strait has reemerged as one of the most dangerous front lines in the world. Recent visits to Beijing by Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen opened a more promising pathway for U.S.-China relations than has existed in the past few years, but as long as the future of Taiwan remains fraught, there cannot be stability in those relations nor assurance of the peace that the people of Taiwan deserve.
俄羅斯入侵烏克蘭，顯示了一項二十一世紀必須面對的現實：涉及大國的大規模戰爭確實會發生。在這種情況下，夾在大國衝突之間的台灣海峽，再次成為危險的前線。美國國務卿安東尼‧布林肯和財政部長珍妮特‧L‧葉倫，最近前往北京進行訪問，試圖為美中關係開拓較過去幾年更有希望的對話及其溝通途徑，然而只要台灣的未來依然充滿不確定性，美中新關係就不可能穩定，台灣人民也無法獲得應有的和平保障。
Beijing, Washington and Taipei share responsibility for the current state of confrontation. But Taiwan is most at risk — and it is up to Taiwan, its people and its leaders to take the necessary steps to secure its future.
北京、華盛頓和台北三方，必須對當前的緊張局勢負起共同責任。而其中台灣面臨的風險最大，台灣人民與政治領袖當然更應該積極採取必要的措施，方能確保自身未來。
The current Democratic Progressive Party leadership has only made the situation more tense. Under the so-called 1992 Consensus, Taiwan and China agreed to accept the framework of One China — although the parties have differing interpretations of that term — and held discussions that over the years resulted in a number of productive agreements. But shortly after Tsai Ing-wen became Taiwan’s president in 2016, China cited her refusal to accept Beijing’s interpretation — which includes Taiwan as part of China — as a justification to end the cross-strait talks, and they have not resumed.
當前執政的民主進步黨領導階層，他們的種種做法卻反而使得情勢更加緊張。台灣與中國大陸之間，過去存在著「一中各表」的「九二共識」，意思是儘管雙方對「一個中國」有不同的解釋，台灣和中國大陸都同意接受「一個中國」的框架。在這個協約安排下，兩岸多年來對各領域議題進行了有成效的協商，達成了可運作的交流。但2016年蔡英文當選總統之後，民進黨政府明白破壞了這項「一中各表」的共識，刺激中國大陸終止兩岸對話，至今遲遲無法恢復。
Vice President Lai Ching-te, who is running to succeed Tsai as president, has called for reducing trade ties with the mainland, which he calls “dependencies,” and insists that they can be replaced by an international network of partners. He also has insisted that talks with Beijing be made “without preconditions” (that is, rejecting Beijing’s definition of the One China framework). Like President Tsai, he rejects the One China Framework.
同為民進黨籍、正投入選舉以接替蔡英文擔任總統的副總統賴清德，他呼籲減少與中國大陸的貿易聯繫，將兩岸貿易稱為是台灣對中國的「依賴」，並堅稱可以用國際夥伴網絡予以取代。他還堅持要與北京進行「不設任何前提條件」的談判（即拒絕接受北京對「一中各表」的框架）。與蔡總統一樣，他也反對「一中各表」的「九二共識」。
But the 1992 Consensus the ruling party wishes to walk away from has facilitated millions of visits across the strait, massive investments and two-way trade, economic growth, hundreds of weekly direct flights, a relaxation in tensions and a sense of optimism about a peaceful future on both sides. By abandoning the One China framework for talks, the current leaders in Taiwan and those in their party who would replace them have greatly aggravated the threat of war, isolated Taiwan internationally, damaged our economy, scared away investors and made Taiwan less secure.
事實上，被執政的民進黨視為眼中釘，必欲除之而後快的「九二共識」，在過去三十年內已促進了兩岸之間數以百萬計的互訪、大規模投資和雙向貿易、經濟增長、每週數百班次的直航航班，緩和了緊張局勢，培育了兩岸都對和平未來的樂觀期待。想要放棄「一中各表」框架來和中國大陸談判，結果只能是加劇戰爭威脅，使台灣在國際上進一步被孤立，損害台灣的經濟，因戰爭危險而嚇走了投資者，讓全世界都認為台灣很不安全。
I have long advocated the immediate resumption of direct cross-strait negotiations between Taiwan and China as the only way to truly ease tensions and to preserve Taiwan’s democracy, freedom and rule of law. Posturing for partisan political advantage or to piggyback on U.S.-China confrontation is no substitute for the real work of talking and negotiating with those who will have the most impact on our future. To loosely quote the late Israeli leader Yitzhak Rabin, you negotiate peace with your enemies, not with your friends. We need to ensure that in the future Taiwan and China will not behave as enemies, as they see each other under the present leadership. My extensive business dealings and personal experience with China — both its leadership and its people — tell me that they need not be.
我長期主張立即恢復台灣與中國之間的直接兩岸談判，因為這是真正緩解緊張局勢、維護台灣民主、自由和法治的唯一途徑。真正且有效的談判，不應該被選舉與權力利益破壞，試圖利用美中對抗來取得便宜，絕對是得不償失的，更不可能取代真正且有效的談判。我們必須現實地面對影響台灣未來最大的因素──那就是中國大陸，要和他們持續對話、協商。容我引用已故以色列領袖伊扎克‧拉賓的話，「你是要和敵人談判和平，而不是和朋友。」我們需要確保未來台灣和中國大陸不會像現在的領導層如此彼此仇視。以我過去與中國大陸（包括領導層和人民）廣泛密集的商業往來以及長期的生活經驗，我確信這絕對是可以實現的。
The people of Taiwan need peace and stability to ensure a bright future, unclouded by uncertainty. Peace is not an abstraction for me. I am part of the generation that fought to defend Taiwan: I served 50 years ago on Kinmen, which was bombarded by China in 1958, with hostilities persisting for two decades. We, the people of Taiwan, must ensure that such events are never repeated. Unfortunately, reckless rhetoric and provocative policies are making a recurrence more likely, not less.
台灣人民需要和平穩定，以確保有著不受阻礙的光明發展前景。對我來說，「和平」不是一個抽象的概念。我屬於真正投身為保衛台灣而戰的一代：50年前我在金門服役，金門從1958年開始就承受了中共長期、持續的砲擊，長達二十年之久。當時的戰爭洗禮讓我明白：台灣人民必須盡一切努力確保這樣的事件永不重演。然而不幸的是，當前台灣政府輕率的言論和挑釁性政策，使得戰爭的噩夢重返的可能性升高，而不是降低。
Taiwan has become a world leader in technology and economic development. It has done so in no small part by leveraging the entrepreneurial talents of its people and businesses with Chinese partners. In direct talks with the Chinese, it can show the world that it also can be a responsible global political actor by defending its integrity and values in pragmatic negotiations on vital issues and defusing tensions.
台灣在科技和經濟發展方面的領導性成就，全世界皆有目共睹。它在很大程度上是藉助與中國合作夥伴發揮其人民和企業的創業才能，來實現這一目標的。和中國大陸進行直接對話，台灣便可向世界展示：我們有能力在重要問題上進行務實談判並化解緊張局勢，台灣是一個負責任的全球政治行動者，有能力捍衛自身的完整性和價值觀。
Taiwan’s people greatly appreciate the material and moral support the United States has provided over the past seven decades. Taiwan’s democracy, its economic dynamism and its strong defense owe much to the American people. That support is still important. But there comes a time when a people has to assume principal responsibility for itself, not accept a tutelage that becomes an unhealthy dependency. Taiwan has to take control of its destiny, strengthen deterrence capability and, at the same time, deliver an approach to peace that benefits the region and the globe, but most of all itself.
台灣人民非常感激美國在過去七十年間提供的物質和道義支持。台灣的民主、經濟活力和強大的國防，在很大程度上，歸功於美國人民的適時協助。這種支持仍然至關重要。但是，一個國家的人民，終究必須在一定的時刻承擔起自身的責任，不能夠養成依賴的習慣，也不能一直跟隨著別人的指導。台灣必須掌握自己的命運，一方面加強自衛的威懾能力，另一方面採取有利於自身和平，進而有利於區域性與全球性和平的策略。
It can do so only by working with China directly on the basis of the One China framework.
唯有通過「一中各表」的框架，與中國共同推進，台灣才能做到這一點。
That will necessitate direct, face-to-face talks by senior leaders of both governments. There is room in such a framework for Taiwan to fully protect its democracy, freedom and way of life even as we undertake what is sure to be a long and arduous process of discussion and negotiation. But in the meantime, it is absolutely vital that China and Taiwan agree on a framework and a process that can pull us back from the precipice. 這將需要雙邊最高領袖人物進行直接面對面的談判。在這樣的框架下，台灣有足夠的空間來充分保護其民主、自由和生活方式，我們做好準備願意耐心展開漫長而艱苦的討論與談判過程。最重要的，台灣和中國大陸，將能因此共同找到一條將雙方從懸崖邊拉回來的道路。
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